Saint Augustine Essay -- Biography Biographies Augustine Essays

Saint Augustine Saint Augustine (354-430 AD), also known as Augustine of Hippo created an image of himself through his writings and teachings. He was born in Tagaste, a town in North Africa, on November 13, 354 AD. He was born into a middle class family. Patricius, his father, was a pagan, but later converted to Christianity because of his wife, Monica, was a devout Christian. Augustine’s mother, who was devoted to the Roman Catholic church, constantly tried for her son's conversion. Augustine was educated as a lecturer in the former North African cities of Tagaste, Madaura, and Carthage. The philosophical works of Marcus Tullius Cicero, a Roman speaker and politician, inspired Augustine to become a seeker after truth. Augustine engaged restlessly in philosophical studies, and passed from one phase of thought to another, unable to find satisfaction. From 373 until 382, in Carthage, he conformed to Manichaeism, a dualistic philosophy dealing with the conflict between good and evil. This seemed to be the answer to the confusion in his own heart. It solved the mysteries that confused him in his own experience. After realizing that this philosophy wouldn’t make a great ethical system, he abandoned this philosophy. After being educated throughout North Africa, he left Carthage and in 384 found himself in Milan where he would pursue his career of a professor in rhetoric. Also, in Milan he met and was influenced by the bishop, Ambrose. With this, Augustine was at tracted again to Christianity and was baptized by Ambrose in 387. Augustine was also influenced by Platonism. He than returned to North Africa where he became the bishop of Hippo in 391, a title he held until he died. This great â€Å"Father of the Church,† wrote a handbook on the three theological virtues: faith, hope, and love. The Enchiridion on Faith, Hope, and Love was written in the year 420. It is a brief handbook on the proper mode of serving God, through faith, hope, and love. It is easy to say what one ought to believe, what to hope for, and what to love. But to defend our doctrines against the slander of those who think differently is a more difficult and detailed task. If one is to have this wisdom, it is not enough just to put an enchiridion in the hand. It is also necessary that a great eagerness be in the heart. Saint Augustine says that God created all things good. In Chapter XI, ... ...t evil is but the absence of good. I feel that God did make everything good, and it is the absence of good that causes evil. People choose the road they feel like taking throughout life. I think of it this way; God started us off on this world all consisting of good and it is we who choose to become evil. This follows through with Augustine’s next idea, which I also agree with, in that there can be no evil where there is no good. This holds true because everybody consists of good, and evil is the absence of good, so that just concludes that in order for evil there must be good. Augustine also says that good and evil can exist at the same time, but evil cannot exist without good, however, good can exist without evil. I feel that one can embody good and evil, there are many humans like that now. It’s true that evil cannot exist without good because we are only evil when we aren’t good, but one can be good without being evil. I hope I have made it clear that there are some points that I agree with and there are some ideas of Augustine that I don’t agree with. As for the way to serve God, I believe that as long as you live your life to the best of your ability, you will succeed.

In “A Rose for Emily,” William Faulkner

In â€Å"A Rose for Emily,† William Faulkner explores what encourages and what happens due to insanity. Emily Grierson’s life is narrated through, we can assume, a member of the community to which she belonged— â€Å"belongedâ€Å" is used   because she is already deceased at the beginning of the short story. Faulkner avoids telling the story chronologically and instead tells us about Emily’s past in a way similar to the way the human mind works—a series of memories all jumbled up.Emily, we find out, lived a life under an overly controlling father—she practically had no social life to speak of. Her father was basically the only person in her life so it is not surprising—although shocking—that she clings to him even after he dies. Upon his death, she goes out in the town and defies the set rules of society by seeing a man under her status. Fraternizing with this man, Homer Barron, may have had a positive impact on her life; h owever, Homer is â€Å"not a marrying man† (29), which turns out to be absolutely devastating for Emily. Emily, we can conclude from her father’s death, does not deal well with strife.The heartbreak is too much for her and causes her madness to lash out. Emily’s yearning for someone to love combined with her insanity leads her to commit deeds that a sane person would never do such as killing a man, leaving the decaying body in her house, lying next to the corpse, and perhaps even committing acts of necrophilia. Looking at Emily’s story, it is quite frightening to think of the extent of damage that madness can compel people to inflict. It is very probable that Emily did not realize how horrific her actions were.  Truth to tell William Faulkner’s â€Å" A Rose for Emily† is an incredibly fascinating story about a woman who practiced necrophilia. The story is about a woman who poison's her boyfriend and keeps his body in a bed in her upstairs room for decades. No one ever exits or enters her old house except for her negro manservant.And what is necrophilia, exactly and how do we prove by using the text of   â€Å" A Rose for Emily†Ã‚   that indeed, Emily Grierson was a necrophiliac? Necrophilia for Mirriam-Webster would mean, â€Å"obsession with an usually erotic interest   in corpses or erotic interest in the stimulation by corpses†.   Medical dictionaries would define â€Å"necrophilism† to be , â€Å"1. A morbid fondness for being in the presence of dead bodies,   and   2. The impulse to have sexual contact, or the act of such contact, with a dead body, usually of males with female corpses.†Necrophilia can best be described as sexual arousal stimulated by a dead body. The stimulation can be either in the form of fantasies or actual physical sexual contact with the corpse.   Legends with necrophilic themes are common throughout history and the concept of sexual interference wit h the dead has been known and abhorred since the ancient Egyptians, as noted by Herodotus:â€Å"When the wife of a distinguished man dies, or any woman who happens to be beautiful or well known, her body is not given to the embalmers immediately, but only after the lapse of three or four days. This is a precautionary measure to prevent the embalmers from violating her corpse, a thing which is actually said to have happened in the case of a woman who had just died.†The symptoms of necrophilia are as follows: necrophilia are the presence, over a period of at least six months, of recurrent and intense urges and sexually arousing fantasies involving corpses which are either acted upon or have been markedly distressing. And the manifestations are said to be characterized by the following data. There is a broad spectrum of necrophilic behaviors, ranging from fantasies alone to murder for the sake   of procuring a dead body.   Faulkner’s Emily did commit murder in order t o have   a dead man’s body to sleep beside with, â€Å" I want arsenic,† (28) Emily tells the druggist in Faulkner’s story. That she is about to commit murder is only implied, and the truth is seen towards the end of the narrative.Experts have subcategorized the paraphilia according to where it falls on that spectrum. â€Å"Necrophilic fantasies† of corpses, never acted upon, still fall within the scope of necrophilia and some authors have categorized this as a â€Å"neurotic equivalent† to necrophilia. â€Å" Then we noticed that in the second pillow was the indentation of a head. One of us lifted something from it, and leaning forward, that faint and invisible dust dry and acrid in the nostrils, we saw a long strand of iron-gray hair.† (31) In this quote, the readers can deduce that, at the very least, Emily had lain beside the dead body of Homer Barron.â€Å"Pseudonecrophilia† describes isolated incidents where the sexual contact with the corpse may happen without pre-existing fantasies or desire to have sexual contact with the body. Even in its truest form, necrophilia can be quite varied, ranging from simply being in the presence of a corpse to kissing, fondling or performing sexual intercourse or cunnilingus on the body. The presence of other paraphilias or personality disorders, however, can manifest in more grotesque or sadistic elements such as mutilation of the corpse, drinking the blood or urine, or homicide (â€Å"necrophilic homicide† or â€Å"necrosadism†).The latter is the most disturbing end of the spectrum. Although assumed rare, many have argued that necrophilia may be more prevalent than statistics imply, given that the act would be carried out in secret with a victim unable to complain and given the length of time which the paraphilia has been recognized.   Ã‚  But if Emily had used arsenic to poison and murder Homer, then she could not have been capable of performing an act of necrophilic homicide, for, how many times can you poison an already deceased and poisoned man?Although the act of murder itself may generate the subsequent sexual frenzy, research has determined an alarming rate of homicide in order to obtain a body for subsequent sexual violation. Rosman and Resnick   int their study, â€Å"Necrophilia: An analysis of 122 cases involving necrophilic acts and fantasies† found that 42% of their study sample of necrophiles had murdered in order to obtain a body.Researchers have determined, however, that sadism itself is not usually an intrinsic characteristic of true necrophilia. (74) In all cases, there is undoubtedly sexual preference for a corpse rather than a living woman.   And this is what makes William Faulkner’s Emily, unique. In the plot is a reversal of the symptoms manifest   that is â€Å"usual† in the cases of necrophilia. Emily, is a woman, who preferred the company and sexual â€Å"comfort† of a dea d man.When no other act of cruelty – cutting into pieces etc., – is practiced on the corpse, it is probable that the lifeless condition itself, forms the stimulus for the perverse individual. Homer Barron, as implied in the story, was maybe going to flee Emily, hence she resorted to murder by poison, â€Å"   When she had first begun to be seen with Homer Barron, we had said, â€Å" She will marry him.†Ã‚   Then we said, â€Å" She will persuade him yet,†Ã‚  Ã‚   because Homer   himself had remarked- he liked men, and it was known that he drank with the younger men in the Elks Club- that he was not a marrying man. (29)Kraft-Ebing   states in his, â€Å"Psychopathia sexualis†   It is possible that the corpse – a human form absolutely without will – satisfies an abnormal desire, in that the object of desire is seen to be capable of absolute subjugation, without possibility of resistance (89).What happened after the incident of the poisoning can only be guessed at, but in this telling of the life of Emily Grierson there is proof, that Emily as able to â€Å"persuade† –â€Å" her† Homer Barron, only that he was not someone hard to persuade, he was already dead, after all, â€Å" The violence of breaking down the door seemed to fill this room with pervading dust.A thin, acrid pall as of the tomb seemed to lie everywhere upon this room decked and furnished as for a bridal: upon the valance curtains of faded rose color, upon the rose-shaded lights, upon the dressing table, upon the delicate array of crystal and the man’s toilet things backed with tarnished silver, silver so tarnished that the monogram was obscured. Among them lay a tie, as if they had just been removed, which, lifted, left upon the surface a pale crescent in the dust.† (30)Most individuals have been reported to be heterosexual. This was not a sick and twisted scenario meant to be feasted on by literary critic s who work with queer gender theory, Emily was not gay, Homer could have been, but, â€Å" Upon a chair hung the suit, carefully folded; beneath it the two mute shoes and the discarded socks. The man himself lay in bed. (30)†Ã‚   –yes, Homer was a man, he was Emily’s man.As with the other paraphilias, necrophilia often occurs in conjunction with other paraphilias. Again, readers can only make intelligent inferences as to how, just exactly, did the things of Homer( made of silver ) get to become so tarnished, if by air corrosion alone? Could it be that at some point or the other, Emily infused them with fluids from her body, through acts that are too â€Å" horrifying† to speak of in this paper, but you get the picture.The individual should be assessed for associated psychopathology and treated accordingly. Treatment for necrophilia would be similar to that prescribed for most paraphilias: cognitive therapy, use of sex-drive reducing medications, assistanc e with improving social and sexual relations, etc. Sadly, Emily could not have been treated, she had chosen to isolation after her crime, â€Å" Now and then, we would see her at a window for a moment, as the men did that night when they sprinkled lime , but for almost six months, she did not appear on the streets. (29) For that time on her front door remained closed, save for a period of six and seven years, when she was about forty, during which she gave lessons in china painting (29).In conclusions then, there really is enough evidence in the text that Emily Grierson [ of William Faulkner ] had managed to make herself the necrophilic lover of Mr. Homer Barron.  And so , the world can only offer, â€Å" a rose† for Emily, for she can no longer answer for her gruesome acts, not that she ever could.WORKS CITED:Cole, Isaac, ed. â€Å" The Life and   Works of Herodotus.†Ã‚  Ã‚   New Land Press: London, 1990.Faulkner, William. â€Å"A Rose for Emily.† Literatu re: An Introduction to Fiction, Poetry, and Drama Interactive Edition. Eds. Kennedy, X.J and Gioia Dana. United States: Pearson Longman. 2005. 29 – 36.Krafft-Ebing, R. von. â€Å" Psychopathia sexualis.†New York: Stein & Day, 1986, (Original work published in 1886)Rosman, J. & Resnick, P. â€Å"Necrophilia: An analysis of 122 cases involving necrophilic acts and fantasies†. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law,1989.

The social determinants of health for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mothers - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 11 Words: 3155 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Medicine Essay Type Analytical essay Did you like this example? Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, referred to as Indigenous Australians, experience significantly poorer health outcomes than non-Indigenous Australians. This is particularly true for Indigenous women. The difference in life expectancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous women is some 9.5 years, and Indigenous mothers are three times as likely as non-Indigenous mothers to die during childbirth (AIHW, 2014a; AIHW, 2014b). Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The social determinants of health for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mothers" essay for you Create order There are many complex, interrelated social factors which impact the health of Indigenous people. This paper provides a critical analysis of the social determinants of health for Indigenous mothers in particular. Education is one of the most fundamental social determinants of health, and this is particularly true for Indigenous Australians. Education enables Indigenous women to access and interpret health-related information to prevent ill health, and it also improves their capacity to engage effectively with the health care system when necessary (Jones et al., 2014). In Indigenous women, higher levels of education are directly linked with positive health outcomes; for example, an Indigenous woman is less likely to smoke if she completes secondary schooling (Australian Government Department of Health Ageing, 2012; Biddle Cameron, 2012). However, Indigenous women have poor rates of formal education attainment; just 29% of Indigenous people complete Year 12 compared with a nationa l average of 73% (ABS, 2012). Indigenous women with a lower standard of education are more likely to bear a child in their adolescent years, a particular problem for Indigenous women generally, and are also more likely to have a child with a low birthweight (Comino et al., 2009; Osborne et al., 2013). Additionally, Indigenous mothers with lower standards of education are more likely to children with poor educational outcomes; this highlights the significant problems associated with the intergenerational transfer of health and social risk in Indigenous communities (Benzies et al., 2011). Education is related directly to an Indigenous womans level of economic participation à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" specifically, her ability to gain employment and earn an adequate income, both of which are key predictors of health (Osborne et al., 2013). Research suggests that an Indigenous persons chance of gaining employment increases by 40% if they complete Year 10 and by 53% if they complete Year 12 (N ew South Wales Government Department of Education Training, 2004). However, as with low education, low employment is a significant problem for Indigenous women; indeed, rates of unemployment for Indigenous women are above 16%, compared with a national average of just 4% (ABS, 2013). Economic disadvantage resulting from unemployment is a significant predictor of poor health. Booth and Carrol (2008) suggest that economic variables can explain up to 50% of the disparity in health between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Additionally, and demonstrating the cyclical nature of socioeconomic disadvantage and poor health in Indigenous communities, research also suggests that poor health may explain 60% of the disparity in employment participation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous women (Kalb et al., 2011). Unemployment and socioeconomic disadvantage may affect the health of Indigenous women in a range of ways. Primarily, limited disposable income à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" in comb ination with a lack of food storage and cooking facilities within households and, particularly within remote communities, lack of access to fresh food itself à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" means indigenous women have reduced access to nutritionally-appropriate foods and lower food security (Osborne et al., 2013; Browne et al., 2014). Indeed, the diets of Indigenous people in many regions are characterised by a high intake of saturated fats, refined carbohydrates and salt, and little to no intake of fresh fibre-rich foods (ABS, 2006). In Indigenous women, as in all women, nutrition is fundamental to health in the ante-, intra- and post-partum periods (Browne et al., 2014). Poor dietary intake leads to high rates of gestational diabetes mellitus among Indigenous mothers à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" 5.1%, compared with a national average of 4.5% (2000-2009 estimate) (Chamberlain et al., 2014). Poor nutritional status also underpins the burden of chronic disease evident in Indigenous women and particularly c hronic diseases related to obesity, which are a significant problem in Indigenous communities (Liaw et al., 2011). Around 60% of Indigenous women aged 25-55 years have a body mass index which indicates they are obese (ABS, 2006). Because of the risks posed by chronic disease, Indigenous mothers are significantly more likely than non-Indigenous mothers to require antenatal hospital admission (Badgery-Parker et al., 2012). Additionally, maternal chronic disease means that around 11% of indigenous neonates have a low birthweight (ABS, 2014). This is an important marker for increased risk of chronic disease, again demonstrating the cyclical nature of socioeconomic disadvantage and poor health outcomes in Indigenous communities. Socioeconomic disadvantage has a variety of other impacts on Indigenous mothers. For example, lack of employment and poverty mean that many Indigenous women have reduced access to appropriate housing. Up to 28% of Indigenous people live in housing which is sev erely overcrowded and where basic facilities à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" including showers, toilets and stoves à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" are not available or do not work (Osborne et al., 2013). Compounding the issue of poor housing is the fact that Indigenous Australians, and particularly those living in regional and remote communities, have disproportionate access to essential health infrastructure such as safe drinking water, rubbish collection services, sewerage systems and a reliable supply of power (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2007; Osborne et al., 2013). Indeed, lower standards of housing health infrastructure in Australian communities contribute directly to the high rates of parasitic and bacterial infection and increased rates of physical injury à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" for example, from house fires à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" among Indigenous women (Bailie Wayte, 2006). Inappropriate, overcrowded housing has had other impacts on Indigenous mothers. Specifically, it has led to breakdowns in tr aditional, complex social structures, norms and spiritual practices in Indigenous communities (Osborne et al., 2013). This has resulted in increases in the rates violence, including domestic violence, perpetrated against Indigenous women; indeed, Indigenous women are 40 times more likely than non-Indigenous women to experience violence, and are 35 times more likely to experience intra-familial violence which results in hospitalisation (Osborne et al., 2013). Indigenous people are also significantly more likely than non-Indigenous people to experience sexual assault (Phillips Park, 2006; ABS, 2009). The Australian Human Rights Commission (2007) notes that a combination of unemployment, the receipt of welfare payments and a lower standard of education also predispose Indigenous women to an increased risk of poor health outcomes due to violence. In Indigenous women in particular, social capital à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" including a connection with community, country and culture, is positi vely correlated with wellbeing (Brough et al., 2004; Biddle, 2012; Osborne et al., 2013). The relationship between social capital and mental wellbeing, particularly in Indigenous people, is well-established, however the correlation between social capital and physical wellbeing is now also acknowledged. For example, a number of Australian studies have demonstrated that Indigenous people who are connected to their community, country and culture are less likely to be diagnosed with a range of chronic health conditions including obesity, diabetes mellitus, hypertension and renal disease (Burgess et al., 2009; Campbell et al., 2011). Where there are declines in social capital, therefore, the mental and physical health of Indigenous women also decline. Shepherd et al. (2012) report on the growing body of knowledge which suggests that Indigenous peoples social environment may significantly affect their mental health. Rates of mental illness among Indigenous women are high; indeed, Indig enous women are 2.6 times as likely as non-Indigenous women to report experiencing psychological distress and are also more likely to engage in self-harm and / or suicide (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2007; Burns et al. 2015, np). Mental illness is also strongly correlated with poverty; for example, Australian research suggests that people in poverty lack a sense of control over their lives and so experience higher levels of psychological stress (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2007). In addition to poor mental health, psychological stress can also lead to poor physical health outcomes à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" specifically, via negative effects on the immune and cardiovascular systems and metabolic function (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2007; Shepherd et al., 2012). Mental illness is not only underpinned by social health determinants, it is also problematic in terms of modifying the social factors which underpin poor health outcomes in Indigenous communities. For example , Marmot (2011) suggests that, in Indigenous communities, marginalisation results in disempowerment which in turn leads many Indigenous women to perceive little value in efforts to make health-related changes. Social dysfunction and high rates of mental illness in Indigenous communities is driven by à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" and, indeed, drives à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the high rate of substance abuse in these communities (Osborne et al., 2013).   Indigenous women are twice as likely as non-Indigenous women to smoke on a daily basis, and three times as likely to smoke during pregnancy (Osborne et al., 2013; Passey et al., 2013). Approximately 50% of Indigenous people report consuming alcohol at least once per week, 28% report current regular use of illicit substances including cannabis and other drugs, and 15% engage in risky behaviours related to substance use (ABS, 2006). Substance abuse is an important social determinant of health; the correlation between substance use and poor outc omes in terms of both physical and mental health in adults is well-established. Whilst the prevalence of Indigenous mothers who use alcohol and illicit substances is unknown, rates of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder and neonatal abstinence syndrome are high among Indigenous neonates (AIHW, 2015). Additionally, Indigenous mothers who abuse substances are at greater risk of losing custody of their children; because of the relationship between social capital and health in Indigenous communities, this can itself be perceived as a poor health outcome (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2007; Osborne et al., 2013). As noted by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing (2013), poverty limits the access of many Indigenous people to health care services. This is particularly true in regional and remote communities à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" and approximately 46% of Indigenous women live in an area classified as regional or remote (ABS, 2010). Though many regional and remote Indig enous communities are supported by fly-in fly-out health services, research suggests that fragmented services and discontinuity of care can contribute to poor health outcomes for Indigenous women (Bar-Zeev et al., 2012). Many communities have no health services at all, and to receive medical attention Indigenous women are often required to travel long distances to regional centres. Although the federal government subsidises the transport and accommodation expenses associated with such trips, general living costs borne by Indigenous women are often significant (Kildea et al., 2010). Additionally, the costs for those accompanying a woman are often not subsidised, so women may be required to travel without support (Kildea et al., 2010). These issues affect Indigenous mothers disproportionately; for example, in comparison to non-Indigenous women, Indigenous women tend to access antenatal care both less frequently and later in their pregnancy, and this is underpinned by lack of access to care (Osborne et al., 2013). Further complicating these issues is the fact that the risk-prevention paradigm evident in many medicalised health services is incompatible with the holistic perception of health held by many Indigenous women (Ireland et al., 2011). Additionally, historic protectionist and paternalist attitudes directed towards Indigenous people continue to pervade many medicalised health services in Australia. Durey and Thompson (2012) suggest that racism, both covert and overt, towards Indigenous women in Australian health services remains a significant problem; indeed, the Australian Human Rights Commission (2007) notes that systematic discrimination is a key factor underpinning the lack of opportunity for Indigenous Australians achieve a health status equitable to that of non-Indigenous Australians. These issues associated with culturally-safe service provision often culminate in Indigenous mothers disengaging from medicalised health services. This is a significa nt problem considering a lack of antenatal and intrapartum care in particular, and health care in general, is fundamental to the high maternal morbidity and mortality rates in Indigenous communities (AIHW, 2014a). This paper has provided a critical analysis of the many social determinants of health for Australias Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" and, particularly, Indigenous mothers. It has demonstrated that social factors underpin the health of Indigenous mothers in both the physical and mental domains. It has also provided evidence for the complex relationship between health and social determinants in Indigenous mothers. 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